OpinionUpdated:
May 09, 2022 9:30 pm IST
In his annual 'Victory Day' address in Moscow,
after thousands of soldiers had marched before him, President Putin did not
make any dramatic announcement of the kind Western analysts had widely
expected. Putin merely said "Defending the motherland had always been
sacred," apparently referring to Donbas, which Ukraine regards as its own
territory but which Russia too has long claimed, and which now seems to be,
along with portions of southern Ukraine, the main focus of Russia's assault.
"Today," Putin told the soldiers,
"you are fighting for our people in Donbas, for the security of Russia,
our homeland."
In the last few days, one merciful
piece of news from eastern Europe's large space of devastation, confirmed
officially by both Ukraine and Russia, was that "all elderly people, women
and children have been evacuated from the besieged Azovstal steelworks in
Mariupol", south Ukraine's shattered coastal city.
Surely it is now time for influential
countries like India, Turkey, South Africa, and Brazil (all of them neutral
thus far in this horrific conflict) to work actively, and if possible unitedly,
for a cease-fire, to be followed by serious peace talks.
Bill Burns, the CIA director in the
U.S., thinks that Putin has been
"stewing" for years over Ukraine -- once part of the
Soviet Union -- in a "very combustible combination of grievance and
ambition and insecurity."
Other observers may use a different
set of words, but most seem to agree that Putin is convinced that history has
mistreated Russia, a view widely shared by Putin's compatriots. Before
commenting further on Russia's conflict with Ukraine, let me recall
oft-overlooked similarities between Russia and India.
Occupying, respectively, the northern
and southern portions of Eurasia, which is our earth's largest landmass, Russia
and India belong also to the same psychological map. If "the exalted
destiny of Russia" is a deep belief among Russians, an impressive number
of Indians assent spontaneously to the image of India as the Vishwa Guru.
Moreover, many in India too are drawn to the view that history has mistreated
their nation. Occupying an even larger space than today's Russia, the Soviet
Union was dismantled in 1991. Russian regret over this is matched by regret in
India over the 1947 Partition.
One reason for Russia's
attractiveness to an Indian mind is that Russia wasn't and isn't Britain. The
Tsarist Empire's long 19th-century contestation with imperial Britain, the
so-called Great Game, intrigued and pleased Indians. And although many Indians
think of Russians as whites and westerners, others in India recognize that
Russia is an eastern power. Not merely because Russia's eastern boundaries go
way past Japan and almost touch North America, but because an influential part
of the Russian mind thinks of itself as oriental. In seeing the West as the
Other, many Indians and Russians are as one.
Over the decades, a number of Indians
have studied and lived in Russia, learnt Russian, and learnt also that there is
a good deal more to Russia than Communism. Tagore's 1930 visit to Russia was a
milestone, as was the earlier 1909-10 correspondence between Gandhi and
Tolstoy, who for many Indians remains, more than a hundred years later, a
revered novelist-thinker.
In short, there is far more to Russia
in the Indian mind than Putin, far more even than Russian oil, far more even
than the advanced weapons or spare parts for older weapons needed for India's
defence. Which means that Indians cannot merely sit with folded hands and watch
Russia slide rapidly downhill as a result of Putin's Ukrainian misadventure.
That would be almost as heartless as
watching without any reaction the daily destruction of Ukrainian buildings --
including schools, hospitals, homes, even a museum! -- by Russian shells, bombs
and missiles. Both Ukraine and Russia, once intimately connected to each other,
both possessing critical ties with India and a number of other countries, are
crumbling before the eyes of a world that seems unable or even unwilling to
arrest the destruction.
While there was something unexpected
and impressive about Europe and the western alliance getting its act together
to assist a nation attacked by a more powerful neighbour, the smell being
emitted by the war's continuance is not pleasant. The continuing devastation of
Ukraine cannot be the only way to teach Russia a lesson.
To say this does not imply that the
central fact - the central folly -- of Putin's aggression should be forgotten.
It does mean that the world's minds must be prodded to see how the ongoing
devastation can be brought to an early end. That is not necessarily everyone's
first concern. In an analysis offered on the BBC, Michael Clarke, a British
professor of defence studies, says: "Any significant Russian military
success will likely create a major, open-ended insurgency that will get bigger
for every district Russian forces may overrun. One way or another, Russia will
have to keep fighting in Ukraine, either against the population, or against the
Ukrainian army, and quite possibly both simultaneously. "The western
powers will keep supplying weapons and money to Kyiv, and will not be lifting
powerful sanctions on Russia any time soon. Once Europe's energy dependency on
it is greatly lessened, Russia has so little that Europe really needs,
the US and Europe will be able to leave
crippling sanctions in place with small cost to their own
economies."
What is being envisaged, thus, is a
prolonged fight that chiefly hurts Russia -- and destroys Ukraine! The war's
continuance is of no benefit to the world as a whole. Common sense and simple
humanity demand that countries that can initiate a peace process, countries
that both Moscow and Kyiv might listen to, i.e. countries like India, Turkey,
South Africa and Brazil, should quickly get to work. There is little doubt that
another crucial country, China, would also welcome an end to the fierce and
limitless destruction, involving intimately connected people, in eastern
Europe.
(Rajmohan Gandhi is currently
teaching at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the
author.
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